In contemporary urban China, media, consumerism and a Western influence play a huge role in the making of their socio-cultural society. The concept of media and the policies around it has drastically changed since the reforms, therefore the content of what media portrays have been altered as well, especially in the role and representation of women in China. Focusing on the example of Chinese cinema and film, we are able to witness the process in how Chinese cinema progressed into what it is today and the changes it went through in order to have such great cultural influence on China as it does at present. Working alongside Chinese cinema, are also various types of media, such as magazines, newspaper and other types of advertisements, all working together towards shaping Chinese society and the role of women. We are able to see how the media is inevitability changing, as does the society that is so profoundly influenced by the media culture. The alteration within media and society and politics reflects how Chinese women are represented, especially through film production, and that determines their societal position in historical and modern China.

Introduction to Chinese cinema

Chinese cinema and film started not too long after the Western film industry started. After the first exhibition of projected motion pictures was launched in Paris in 1885, clips were shown in Shanghai. During that time, mainly foreign films were brought into China and were intended solely for entertainment. They would be shown in public places, such as teahouses, theaters houses and amusement parks. These foreign attractions was most often time accompanied and shared the stages with traditional Chinese performances, such as Chinese opera, acrobatics, and traditional storytelling (Cui 2003, 4). The audiences would enjoy these shows over tea and a snack, the outside setting and communal viewing in a public place of unfamiliar cultures, which portrays the attributes of the early film culture of China. Although, China’s very own film production did not start until 1908 but by the 1930s the industry had significantly grown (Hao, Chen 2000, 37). In 1929, there were a total of 233 theatres in China, with a variation in the social class of the audience, the quality of the theatres and the difference in films that were shown. A good number of the films shown in China at that time were influenced by Western culture, there was an estimate that about 450 featured film exhibited in China in 1929, 90 percent of them were of American origin, therefore American films predominate in the Chinese market (Hao, Chen 2000, 37). By the 1960s, China’s film industry was at steady growth, producing at about fifty films a year; but once the Cultural Revolution started (1966-1976); the cinema production began to have a downfall. During the Cultural Revolution, more than 1,400 films were banned overnight; both foreign and domestic films were outlawed. In the first five years of the Cultural Revolution, there was not a single film production and many film producers were imprisoned or forced to work in labor camps. Throughout the ten year period of the Cultural Revolution, only seventy films were produced in China (Hao, Chen 2000, 37). It was not until the end to the Cultural Revolution, in the time of China’s reforms, that the cinema and film industry had changed and there was a visible sudden adjust to strive for modernization through the media.

Early ImageWomen as the sexual object

The depiction of women in Chinese cinema was portrayed around the many social issues that China was undergoing in the process of modernizing. The image of women during that time in film reflects women’s relation to the urban society, the nation and modernity as a whole. Many films were made around the interpretation of women either being exploited or hardly being in films at all. In Shuqin Cui’s book Women through the lens: gender and nation in a century of Chinese cinema, she states “the presence of her body in urban space refers to the ‘the city of darkness,’ home to forces of evil and cruel exploitation, or the ‘the city of light,’ center of modern enlightenment and commercial prosperity. Yet the absence of a female subjectivity limits woman to different gendered roles; she lack an autonomous identity” (15). One of the notorious roles of women in early Chinese films was the role of the prostitute. The role of a prostitute is an emblem of a humiliation to the nation and the oppressive society, at the same time depicts the women as a moral individual; the character of the prostitute exemplifies social and class allegation as they are represented as a commercialized figure (Cui 2003, 15).  For instance, Cui provides the example of the early film Goddess; in this film the role of women, being both a mother and a prostitute displays her body to expose social dignity, yet discloses her heart as a righteous woman. This portrayal of women in films reflects society as that period of time under economic distress and women’s inferiority to men as a commodity, “the female body serves as a sexual metaphor and a social indicator in an urban setting” (Cui 2003, 16). Women were put into different social categories and gender stereotypes. 

 

              

Change in politics: Revolutionary women

Women’s oppressive and inferiority appeal almost came to an end by the end of 1949. There was a new set of politics towards the new cinema, as the politics in China changed. There were many revolutionary films made in the 1960s-70s, in the time of the Cultural Revolution. The allegorical construction of many of these revolutionary films consists of three stages: incorporating female identity into class consciousness, elevating proletarian ideologies over class interests and glorifying the final image of the revolutionary heroine, politically sublime but not gender specific (Cui 2003, 80).  Example of a film under this category is The Detachment of Women made in 1961. This film is “a classic revolutionary film, the gender allegory is a system of ideology and cinematic representation where woman is shaped as a discursive device and semiotic code for the construction of a master narrative of communist and revolutionary history” (Cui 2003, 79).  Women in these films would often have equal roles of men, many joining the army or disguising as a man to serve the country, but in the other hand there would also be the traditional role of the women in oppression or distress, under the male gaze. In The Detachment of Women, which is shown in the form of a ballet, shows the participation of women in the politicized society, shedding away from emphasis solely on their sexuality in socialist China, but there was still representation of the traditional depiction of the protagonist female character that was captured. A more familiar storyline that was remake into the mass-market commercialized Hollywood version is the film Mulan. Although created for entertainment in a comical and musical version, Mulan still contains the allegory and values in the interpretation of women, the story consists of themes such as family values, self-exploration and social restrictions link Eastern cultural conventional to Western expectations. In this film the female identity in male masquerade promised women access to the socio-political world, but social recognition depends on the women’s sacrifice of her female sexuality and subjectivity (Cui 2003, 89).  While women played the role of the heroine in movies such as The Red Detachment of Women, the heroine is subject to sociopolitical force and construction for interpellation, the male spectatorship shifts its identification to the symbolic power, the Communist Party (Cui 2003, 94). Women were carrying a double duty, where she is playing both gender roles; the traditional female and the new masculine warrior, in which in some cases they were de-gendered for political and social symbol.

Although, the emphasis of women oppression lessened, and women were able to play other roles in Chinese films, their social status did not necessarily raise and they did not shed out the negativity of their female identity. They were still under the shadow of men, when they were not playing roles of the oppression, women they were playing masculine roles. This brought out new feminist awareness to the cinema industry. Although compared with other social and cultural dilemmas, feminist consciousness is rather slow and more difficult, but it finally started to get recognize and action was taken. Women as a gender group were ultimately reemerging in history, cognizant of their cooperative gender identity. One of the saying from female activists is that “Women are not moons and do not depend on the light of men to shine” (Jinhua, Yang 1995, 260).  Women no longer wanted to take roles under men and be second best to the men, slowly, women films, produced by women producers were developed. However, even with the great effort to remove the oppressed gender identity of women in China, it was a difficult achievement because of the political restrictions posed under China’s media system by the CPC. It is debatable that the Chinese Communist Party’s fundamental concept of political communication and the propagandist role of media have remained the same despite some changes in media performance and production during the economic reforms and this is especially true toward foreign media from China, as China tries to embrace an image of revolutionized China (Yunjuan, Hao 2009, 19).

Reform era

In the reform era of China, Chinese cinema stirred up a dilemma around the communist party, it was difficult for them to distinguish what was consider artist work and what was propaganda towards the party. The Communist Party of China (CPC) soon acknowledges that there were indeed many film made with artist value and they cannot be judged with solely a communist perspective and therefore ceased to be the only critic in the system (Hao, Chen 2000, 38). Films, thereafter did not have to be all about the nation and patriotic, and was still able to pass the standards for film production. Despite the fact that producers were able to produce films a bit more generosity, film production was still fully governed by the market. Films were an enterprise and not only as state-financed cultural institution but as an industrial enterprises (Hao, Chen 2000, 39). Films were also seen as investments through commercialism and advertisements. The cinema industry was unlike before, where they were usually free for viewing for its audience under the party and state in pre-reforms days for the Chinese audience as a part of the country’s welfare and political education systems. However, with commercialization, film industries not only have to satisfy the party but also the paying audience as well. Commercialization became a determination of the financial state of a film studio. The cost of production of a film went from 400,000 yuan to over one million yuan for production (Hao, Chen 2000, 39).  Not only was the policies and way of production changing during the reforms, but as well as the content that were being shown were also being modified. 

Entrance to the Western market

As China develops, the country enters the realm of commercialism and consumerism, undoubtedly so does China’s media.  China cinema and other media works into the foreign market. At around the mid and late 1980s, the first great wave of commercialization hit China, which had a huge impact to the traditional Chinese film culture. Just like the previous dilemma of women’s social and gender struggle that appear in earlier films, the same occurs in contemporary production in Chinese media, on top of a dilemma between race and a sense of alienation that falls under the perception from the West. Films in China were made in a way that appealed to the Western audience; these films are filled with allusions of the Chinese culture and historical context. In Western milieu, the portrayal in Chinese cinema is an object of desire and it provides a viewing position for a Western audience. Mass numbers of Chinese films that targeted the desired Western audience were produced in the late 1980s and early 1990s. One of the many films that were produced with an intended Western audience, but at the same time included a backdrop of Chinese culture was the film Raise the Red Lantern made in 1991. The elements of the Asian setting, the Asian story, and the Asian beauties together form a spectacle for the Western gaze. In this classical model of looking and being looked at, of male and female, the film thus places the Chinese national culture at the margins of Western culture and adopts a kind of self-conscious, exotic, feminized role and position for Chinese culture (Jinhua, Yang 1995, 269).  

           

Consumerism and Advertisement

As the increase of Chinese representation in Western media, a new set of interpretations and even stereotypes emerged among Chinese women in media. There was a new emergence of Chinese media in the West but there are also a new depiction of women in Chinese media occurring in China which is highly influence by Western values and culture. The social change of the Western influence in China lead to new depictions of women in China and this new social influence is through consumerism. Around the 1980s, China passed liberation policies in a response to the West, mainly to the US, to open up their foreign market that would allow international goods to circulate in China. The ease of restrictions on foreign-owned advertising companies and the enforcement of intellectual property law made it possible for international women’s magazine to come to China, accordingly changing the market of women’s magazine and the image of women in media in China, especially in Taiwan (Yang 2007, 364). The new trend of women as consumers in China, create a profitable market, targeting high school and college educated urban women between the ages of 20-35. The rise in demand for Western goods and culture created the launch of Chinese version of population Western magazines, such as Cosmopolitan, Elle, Marie Claire and Bazaar, which became rapidly accessible to urban women; were available in numerous bookstores and newsstands (Yang 2007, 364). This new trend of consumerism sparked the advertising market, and the growth rate of advertising goods to urban women in China grew at a phenomenal speed. By the year 2003, advertising spending in China had reached 107.87 billion yuan, which is equivalent to 13.02 billion US dollars; that is a growth of 19.44 percent from the previous year (Frith, Kavita 2008, 12). Advertisements portraying women in urban China can be seen practically everywhere, particularly in subway stations. Since hundreds to thousands of people ride the subway daily in China, in cities such as Beijing and Shanghai, advertisement in subways are very effective. On top of that, surveys proved that 89.2 percent of the passengers taking Beijing subways were between 18 and 40 years old, and has a university degree, and also have a medium-level income. Out of those passengers, most of them took the subways on a regular basis; 32.2 percent of them took it on a daily basis; and 34.7 percent of them took the subway two to three times a week. In addition to having young and educated passengers on the subway that would be attracted to the advertisements, most of the Beijing and Shanghai subway passengers are predominantly female (Frith, Kavita 2008, 12). Aside from the mass advertisement of beauty products that appeal to the urban women, another approach to advertisement is through the values of contemporary China. One example of an advertisement around family value in China, and the importance of taking care of your parents in their old age are in the advertisement for Wanji Ginseng, which have been long used by the Chinese to prevent illnesses. In this ad, there is an image of mother and daughter, the daughter is sitting in a chair, and on the side of the ad there are two lines of text which translate to: “From my childhood to adulthood, Mom’s millions thread of care are beyond words, This Chinese New Year, I’ll take some Wanji home – to being my best wishes to Dad and Mom for their good health” (Frith, Kavita 2008, 12). This advertisement portrays the importance of family value and the depiction of woman in ad, that she will take care of her parents in their old age; the portrayal of the women represents how she was like her little daughter and how she had her hair taken care of by her mother, who is now most likely getting old and need some care from her in return. 

Contemporary Portrayal of Women in China

            With all the transformation and modernization of the women image that developed in Chinese media, we are able to identify four different types of women images in contemporary China: the nurturer, the strong woman, the flower vase and the urban sophisticate (Hung, Stella 2006, 11). Although these four images are defined in the contemporary society of China, there are still traditional values and concepts around some of them. First of all is the image of the female nurturer; although the private, pleasurable, and nurturing aspects of a woman’s life disappeared from the public discourse during the revolutionary era, the marital role for women has never vanished from the outset of Chinese womanhood. Qualities such as domesticity, nurturance, and softness that are believed to be uniquely female remain central to the way men view their marriage partners (Frith, Kavita 2008, 12). This image of women are seen within the consumer culture of women advertising and admiring household appliances, shown in magazines, billboards and television (Frith, Kavita 2008, 12). The second image of women in contemporary media is the image of the strong woman; the following is a description of such image: “She is intelligent, sharp-witted, well-informed, knowledgeable well-spoken, and had good taste; she is independent, self-respecting and conscious of women’s equality . . . She is a doer–straightforward, efficient, and self-controlled. She is a bit of a rebel but not confrontational. While she may be attractive to men, her attraction is based on personality, not beauty” (Frith, Kavita 2008, 12). This image of women can be connected with many educated urban woman who strive to be independent, and this image can also be found in many forms of media, such as films, magazines and books. As for the flower case image of women, she is “glamorous, charming, and attractive based on a mix of traditional Chinese and Western ideals. She is bejeweled and she applies skin-care and skin-whitening products, beautifying and age-defying cosmetics, bust enhancers, and new hairstyles to enhance her looks” (Frith, Kavita 2008, 12). This image is especially seen in many advertising with Western influences, but aside from the appealing image, this image of women also embraces and emphasizes the gender differences that compare a woman to a man from the past images. This gives woman their individuality, “the flower case wants to stand out from the crowd and dazzle everyone with her looks” (Frith, Kavita 2008, 12).  Lastly, the image of the urban sophisticate is the image that divides prosperous urban woman to the impoverished rural emigrants (Frith, Kavita 2008, 12). The urban sophisticate displays their “good life” by consuming newly arrived and brands products from the West or Japan, that offer them a level of comfort and luxurious living beyond the reach but desire by the general public (Frith, Kavita 2008, 12).

Conclusion

  

Since the beginning of Chinese media, there has been a long process in the upcoming of the images of Chinese women. Through changes in politics and social norms in China; we were able to witness the change of how women were and still is represented. Although women in Chinese media has come a long way and significantly improved from the past, there are still many imperfections such as gender and social inequalities, but as China continues to develop, and take in influence from the West, we can predict to see more changes to the portrayal of women in Chinese media.